Wednesday, August 5, 2026

A00012 - Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto, Indonesian Nationalist Who Became One of the Leaders of the Islamic Trade Union Which Became Sarekat Islam

 Tjokroaminoto

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Raden Mas
Haji
Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto
Born16 August 1882
Ponorogo, Dutch East Indies
Died17 December 1934 (aged 52)
Yogyakarta, Dutch East Indies
CitizenshipIndonesian
TitleFounder and chairman of Sarekat Islam
SpouseSuharsikin
Children5

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Tjokroaminoto (Raden Mas) (Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto) (b. August 16, 1882, Desa Bakur, Madiun, Java – December 17, 1934, Jogjakarta). Indonesian political leader. Raden Mas Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto was born in the village of Bakur, Madiun. After completing his education he was employed as secretary to the patih of Ngawi. In 1906, he moved to Surabaya, where he became chairman of the local Budi Utomo branch. In May 1912, he entered Sarekat Islam, where he soon rose to prominence. He became its deputy chairman and later its president and represented it in the Volksraad (1918-1921). In 1927, he refused a seat in the Volksraad. His charismatic personality and oratory skills made him the most popular Sarekat Islam leader. He attracted large crowds. In their youth a number of nationalistic leaders, among them Sukarno, were influenced by him. In 1926, he represented the Sarekat Islam at a world Islamic conference in Mecca. He served as an editor of severa periodicals, such as Utusan Hindia, Al-Islam, Fadjar Asia, and Al-Djihad.

The Sarekat Dagang Islām (Association of Islāmic Traders), established in 1911 to promote the interests of Indonesian traders faced with growing Chinese competition, was reorganized as Sarekat Islām the following year by Tjokroaminoto. He broadened the focus of the group, greatly expanding its appeal, and organized it along Western lines. There were, however, substantial non-Western elements.

Tjokroaminoto, who had a powerful personality, became widely popular among Javanese peasants. By 1914 he had become the central figure of a messianic movement, and the Sarekat Islām had taken on strong mystical overtones. He was not a strong leader, however, and he failed to reinforce his popular appeal with a clear, consistent policy. His concern for the need for unity against Dutch rule led him to make compromises, while other groups with more coherent programs were politically more effective. In 1918 he became a member of the Volksraad.

In the early years of Sarekat Islām, Tjokroaminoto came into contact with a number of young nationalists, among whom was Sukarno, who became the first president of Indonesia. Tjokroaminoto tutored Sukarno, who also married his daughter. After 1920 Tjokroaminoto’s fortunes declined. He was jailed by the Dutch in 1921 on a charge of perjury but was released in 1922. By 1923 Sukarno, who had ended his marriage, had broken politically with Tjokroaminoto and adopted a more radical position. They were later reconciled, and in 1926 Sukarno wrote for Bandera Islām (“Flag of Islām”), a journal edited by Tjokroaminoto after his release from prison. But his passive and conciliatory positions prevented Tjokroaminoto from ever regaining the power and influence he had held in the early days of Sarekat Islām.
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Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto (EYD: Umar Said Cokroaminoto; 16 August 1882 – 17 December 1934),[1] better known in Indonesia as H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, was an Indonesian nationalist. He became one of the leaders of the Islamic Trade Union (Indonesian: Syarekat Dagang Islam), founded by Samanhudi, which became Sarekat Islam, which they both cofounded.[2][3]

Early life

Tjokroaminoto was born the second of twelve children,[1]: 12  in the Ponorogo Regency as the son of RM. Tjokroaminoto (district chief of Kleco), grandson of RMA. Tjokronegoro (regent of the Ponorogo Regency), and great-grandson of Kyai Bagus Kasan Besari of Tegalsari pesantren. According to his genealogy, his education was directed towards civil service.

After graduating in 1902 from OSVIA (Dutch: Opleiding School Voor Inlandsche Ambtenaren), a school for indigenous civil servants, in Magelang, the then-highest civil servant education institution, he worked as one in Ngawi for three years from 1902 to 1905).[1] He moved to Surabaya, where he met Samanhudi, founder and leader of the Islamic Trade Unions (SDI).[1] At night, he attended Burgerlijke Avond School (BAS) for some years. After graduating, he worked in a sugar refinery (1907–1912). He wrote for the Bintang Soerabaja (Surabaya Star) daily and became a staff assistant.

Known as the "Crownless King of Java" (Dutch: De Ongekroonde van Java) by the Dutch, Tjokroaminoto was one of the pioneers of the trade union movement in Indonesia and was a teacher of some of the most well-known leaders of Indonesia. His political ideas also gave birth to various ideologies of Indonesia at that time, when he tutored students in his household, such as Semaoen, Alimin, Musso, Sukarno, Kartosuwiryo, and even Tan Malaka. He was the first to refuse to submit to the Netherlands. After he died, the colors of the Indonesian movement were developed by his students, the socialists and communists embraced by Semaoen, Musso, and Alimin.

One of his most famous quotes was "Highest education, purest tauhid, smartest of strategies" (Indonesian: Setinggi-tinggi ilmu, semurni-murni tauhid, sepintar-pintar siasat), depicting the atmosphere of Indonesian struggle in its time which required the three aforementioned abilities of a freedom fighter. Of the various students he liked most was Sukarno until he married Sukarno with his daughter Siti Oetari, Sukarno's first wife. His message to his disciples was "If you want to be a great Leader, write like a journalist and talk like an orator". These words influenced his disciples to make Sukarno shout every night to learn the speeches to make his friends, Musso, Alimin, SM Kartosuwiryo, Darsono, and others wake up and laugh to watch it.

Formation of Islamic unions

Sarekat Dagang Islam

Samanhudi had founded Sarekat Dagang Islam (SDI) or the Islamic Trade Union, in late 1905, in Surakarta. Tjokroaminoto was asked to prepare the needed regulations for the organization and to handle the management. The statute was prepared and notarized in Surabaya on 10 September 1906.

Sarekat Islam

At Tjokroaminoto's suggestion, the word trade (Indonesian: dagang) in the organization's name was removed and SDI became Sarekat Islam (SI) or the Islamic Union.[1] Its chairman was H. Samanhudi, while Tjokroaminoto became chairman. A few days later, its statute was sent to the Governor-General to be legalized as a legal institution.

A central committee was formed with Samanhudi as chairman and Tjokroaminoto as vice-chairman. In explaining the organization's aim, Tjokroaminoto stated that SI would not oppose the Dutch East Indies government. For the organization's interest, he and other managers went to the then Governor-General Alexander Willem Frederik Idenburg on 29 March 1913. Idenburg stated that for public importance (Dutch: algemeen belang), SI's legalization couldn't be granted, but local Islamic unions can be granted corporate-body status.

The membership of SI rapidly increased, to about two and a half million.[1]

Centraal Sarekat Islam

Because of the rapid development of local Islamic unions, it was necessary to establish a central Islamic union coordinating them. In 1915, the Central Islamic Union, or Centraal Sarekat Islam (CSI) was founded with Tjokroaminoto as its chairman, Abdoel Moeis as vice-chairman, and Samanhoedi as honorary chairman. Since then, Tjokroaminoto was continuously chairman or a member of the SI board of administration until his death.

The first CSI national congress, simultaneously being the third SI congress, during his chairmanship was held in Bandung in June 1916. The usage of the word national signified the issue Tjokroaminoto had voiced, which was the necessity of unity of all Indonesians. SI gained acknowledgment of its power with the inauguration of Tjokroaminoto and Abdoel Moeis as members of the newly opened Volksraad in 1918.

SI under Tjokroaminoto progressed, but inner opposition arose, while the colonial government's trust decreased. The hardest challenge came from the Marxist/Leninist faction led by Semaun, who faced off against Tjokroaminoto. Eventually, the Marxist–Leninist faction broke off and formed SI-Merah ("Red-SI"), which later joined the Communist Party of Indonesia.

In 1921, Tjokroaminoto was arrested for the charge of assassination by SI-afd. B[clarification needed] in Cimareme, Garut, West Java. He was released around 9 months later without trial in August 1922.[4]

Partai Sarekat Islam

CSI became weak, and its name was changed to Partai Sarekat Islam (PSI) or the Islamic Union Party in February 1923. Tjokroaminoto made an effort to unite the outer Javanese groups.[clarification needed] After propaganda attacks were sent, insurgency broke out wherever, until he and Abdoel Moeis were forbidden to visit some areas. At that time, Pan-Islamism was launched. Tjokroaminoto and Mas Mansoer performed Hajj.

The political suggestion of hijra or "migration" with the non-cooperative attitude toward the colonial government was eventually accepted by Congress, which caused Tjokroaminoto's refusal when he was elected as Volksraad's member in 1927. The Ulema Committee was founded to discuss Tjokroaminoto's controversial Qur'anic interpretations in 1928.

Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia

Later the PSI was changed to the Indonesian Islamic Union Party or Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (PSII) in early 1929. There was a confrontation between the nationalist Soekiman and the religious Tjokroaminoto that led to Soekiman's departure to form a new party, the Indonesian Islamic Party or Partai Islam Indonesia.

Death

After the 20th PSII Congress in Banjarmasin in May 1934, Tjokroaminoto became sick and died in Yogyakarta on 17 December 1934. His position in PSII was succeeded by his brother Abikusno Tjokrosujoso.

A film titled Teacher of the Nation: Tjokroaminoto (Indonesian: Guru Bangsa: Tjokroaminoto) was made about Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto. The film, produced in 2015, was directed by Garin Nugroho, with the main character as Reza Rahardian.[5]

References

  1.  Mahawira, Pranadipa (2013-01-01). Cinta Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia: Terlengkap & Terupdate (in Indonesian). WahyuMedia. pp. 12–13. ISBN 9789797957513.
  2.  Tarling, Nicholas (2000-01-28). The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. p. 236. ISBN 978-0521663717.
  3.  Ooi, Keat Gin (2004-10-13). Southeast Asia: a historical encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor. Vol. 3. ABC-CLIO. pp. 1180, 1226, 1334. ISBN 978-1576077702.
  4.  "Museum HOS Tjokroaminoto: Jejak Sejarah dan Inspirasi bagi Generasi Muda". aadtoday.com (in Indonesian). Retrieved 2024-12-17.
  5.  "Coming Soon Guru Bangsa Tjokroaminoto". Tjokro Movie (in Indonesian). Archived from the original on 2017-04-21. Retrieved 2018-07-16.

Further reading

  • Mirnawat (2012). Kumpulan Pahlawan Indonesia Terlengkap (in Indonesian). Cerdas Interaktif, 2012. ISBN 9789797883430.

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Saturday, July 18, 2026

A00011 - Malik Tiwana, British Indian Statesman, Landowner, Army Officer, and Politician Who Served as the Prime Minister of the Punjab Province of British India

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Sir
Nawab
Malik
Khizar Hayat Tiwana
2nd Premier of the Punjab
In office
30 December 1942 – 2 March 1947
GovernorBertrand Glancy
Evan Meredith Jenkins
Preceded bySikandar Hayat Khan
Succeeded byGovernor rule
Personal details
Born7 August 1900
Chak Muzaffarabad, Punjab Province (British India)
Died20 January 1975 (aged 74)
Butte City, California, U.S.
RelativesMalik Munir Khan Tiwana (cousin)[1]
Military service
Branch/service British Indian Army
Years of service
1916–1923
RankCaptain
Unit17th Cavalry
Battles/warsWorld War I
Third Anglo-Afghan War
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Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana (7 August 1900 – 20 January 1975)[a] was a British Indian statesman, landowner, army officer, and politician belonging to the Punjab Unionist Party. He served as the prime minister of the Punjab Province (British India) between 1942 and 1947. He opposed the Partition of India and the ideology of Muslim League. He was eventually ousted from office by the Muslim League through a civil disobedience campaign, plunging Punjab into communal violence that led to the partition of the province between India and Pakistan.

Early life

Khizar Hayat Tiwana was born at Chak Muzaffarabad, in the Shahpur District of the Punjab Province during British Raj in 1900. He was born into the feudal Tiwana family of Shahpur.[2] He was owner of 1,800 Murabba (45,000 acres) of agriculture land. His father Sir Umar Hayat Khan was also a wealthy landowner and soldier who was an elected member of the Council of the Secretary of State for India. Sir Umar Hayat was a close friend to King George V. He was educated at Aitchison College in Lahore.[3] Unlike his father, Sir Khizar was a religious person and is believed to be a follower of Sufism. He started managing his Kalra Estate at young age. His father Sir Umar Hayat was fond of cars, greyhounds and extravagant lifestyle. He was the first person to own cars in Shahpur district in 1920s. However, Sir Khizar was a much more calculated person; though he loved horses a lot. He owned the largest stud-farm at that time in Punjab with around 300 horses and mares. He was a renowned horse breeder. He had a huge horse breeding facility at his farmland at Khizarabad, near Bhalwal. Sir Khizar enjoyed playing polo. He had a private polo ground at his Kalra Palace. It was once visited by Lord Hardinge, the viceroy of British India. Lord Malcolm Hailey, the Governor of Punjab was among his close friend and a regular visitor at Kalra Estate. Sir Khizar had numerous palaces and properties in Sargodha, Lahore, Delhi and Simla.

Military career

At the age of 16, Tiwana volunteered for war service, and on 17 April 1918 he was commissioned into the 17th Cavalry as a temporary honorary second lieutenant in the Indian Land Forces.[4] In addition to his few months of First World War service, Khizar also briefly served in the Third Anglo-Afghan War which followed, earning a mention in dispatches. He was advanced to honorary second lieutenant on 21 November 1919[5] and was promoted to the honorary rank of captain on 17 April 1923.[6] He thereafter assisted his father in the management of the family estates in the Punjab, taking responsibility for them while his father was in London. He was promoted to honorary major on 17 April 1936[7] and to honorary lieutenant-colonel on 12 January 1943.[8]

Entry into politics

Tiwana was elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1937. He immediately joined the cabinet of Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan as Minister of Public Works and Local Self Government.[9] Tiwana lacked public speaking skills and administrative experience and obtained the position largely through his father's reputation and the standing of his family.[9] Despite this, he became a trusted member of the cabinet and was entrusted with the home portfolio responsible for dealing with the police and law and order.[9] At the outbreak of the Second World War he had been placed in charge of the Manpower Committee of the Punjab War Board and the Civil Defence Departments.[9] In 1940 he was responsible for handling the Unionist Party's dealings with the Allama Mashriqi and for arranging security at the All-India Muslim League sessions in Lahore.

In his native constituency, he engaged in political rivalry with Nawab Muhammad Hayat Qureshi, a prominent supporter of Jinnah and the incumbent President of the All India Muslim League for Shahpur District. Sir Allah Buksh Tiwana was a relative and close political advisor to Sir Khizar Hayat.

His achievements included overseeing reform of the panchayat system by extending their administrative, fiscal and judicial functions, and ensuring improvements to infrastructure and irrigation networks.[10] He steadfastly supported pro-unionist agrarian policies, and sympathized with their efforts to promote communal harmony.[10]

Premier of the Punjab

1942–1946

In 1942 Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan unexpectedly died creating a vacancy as Premier. The position was eyed by the three dominant Muslim factions, the Noon-Tiwana, Daultanas and the Hayats.[11] Tiwana was unanimously selected as his successor on 23 January 1943.[11]

Tiwana assumed control during the height of the Second World War. Many Punjabi soldiers had been killed, others returned maimed, and demobilised soldiers were not being immediately allotted parcels of land in the canal colonies. To feed Bengalis suffering the Bengal famine of 1943, the central government in Delhi instructed Tiwana's government to introduce rationing in the Punjab and fix grain prices which in turn affected landowner's financially.[12] A war weariness descended over the Punjab, and food shortages, fixed prices, and their support for conscription, damaged attitudes towards Tiwana's government from rich and poor Muslim alike.[12]

Like Sikandar, Tiwana was staunchly opposed to the idea of Pakistan created by the Muslim League, yet unlike his predecessor was less willing to compromise or bow to the dictation of its leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah.[13] Jinnah increasingly sought to enforce the Sikandar-Jinnah pact and wield influence over the government claiming that as the Muslims of the Unionist party also belonged to the Muslim League, the Punjab government was a League government and should submit to directives of the Muslim League leadership.[13] In April 1944 Jinnah demanded that the name of the Unionist Party be changed to the Muslim League Coalition Party.[14] Tiwana rebuffed these demands asserting that his government was a coalition between Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, rather than a Muslim League government[13] Tension with Jinnah simmered until Tiwana was expelled from the Muslim League later that year.[13] This opened a rift within the Unionist Party, with Muslim members now forced to choose between Tiwana and the Muslim League.[13] Following this clash, the Muslim League waged an increasing vitriolic campaign against him, denouncing him as a 'quisling' and 'kafir'. Mock funerals were held outside his official residence and he was greeted wherever he went with black flags of protest.[15]

Tiwana suffered a further blow in January 1945 with the death of Sir Chhottu Ram, the Unionist leader of the Hindu Jats in south eastern Punjab. Ram was a pillar of the Unionist Party and greatly respected by Muslims in the province.[13] Jinnah increased the pressure on Tiwana at the Simla Conference of 1945. Convened by the Viceroy of India Lord Wavell, the conference was to put together an interim government in India following the war. Jinnah insisted that any Muslim nominee to the government must be selected by the Muslim League, as only they spoke for the entirety of Muslims in India. This was seen as an attempt to undermine the influence of the Unionist Party, and its ability to represent its Muslim constituency.[13] In September 1945, Sir Feroz Khan Noon, a member of the Noon-Tiwana faction, resigned from the Unionist party and urged Tiwana and other Unionists to join the Muslim League.[11] Noon had previously been a key ally for Tiwana, assuring him that he would help heal his rift with Jinnah and urging him to not divide the Punjabi Muslims - the heart of Muslim India.[16] Noon's defection opened the gates for further defections from the party. Other defectors included Sikandar's son, Shaukat Hayat Khan and Mumtaz Daultana, who both realigned their families support towards the Muslim League.

1946–1947

At the Indian provincial elections of 1946, the Muslim League won seventy nine seats to the Punjab Assembly, and reduced the Unionists to just ten. Despite this crushing defeat for Tiwana and the Unionists, the Muslim League were unable to form a government as they lacked an absolute majority. Tiwana struck a deal with the Congress Party and Akali Dal and was invited to form a coalition government. His cabinet included Sir Muzaffar Ali Khan Qizilbash, Bhim Sen Sachar and Baldev Singh.[17] The coalition proved a disaster, as for the first time a predominately non-Muslim government held power. From the outset the Muslim League organised a programme of civil disobedience and disruption to the province.[18] The Muslim League argued it was an example of Hindu connivance to defeat the interests of the Muslim community.[19] Tiwana was portrayed as a traitor, clinging to power and office without regard for the interests of the Muslims.[19]

Tiwana remained opposed to the partition of India to the end.[20][21] He felt that Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus of the Punjab all had a common culture and was against dividing India to create a religious segregation between the same people.[22] Tiwana, himself a Muslim, remarked to the separatist leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah: "There are Hindu and Sikh Tiwanas who are my relatives. I go to their weddings and other ceremonies. How can I possibly regard them as coming from another nation?"[22] He refused to accept the two-nation theory, and believed that a Muslim majority government in the Punjab would be an important guarantee of the rights of Muslims in a minority province.[18] Tiwana advocated for amity between the religious communities of undivided India, proclaiming March 1 as Communal Harmony Day and aiding in the establishment of a Communal Harmony Committee in Lahore presided over by Raja Narendra Nath with its secretary being Maulvi Mahomed Ilyas of Bahawalpur.[22] As a last ditch attempt to avoid partition, Tiwana attempted to convince the British to accept his proposal for an independent Punjabi state, a separate entity to both India and Pakistan.[23]

He was made a Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India in the 1946 New Year Honours[24] and was a member of the Indian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in the summer of 1946. Due to the boycotts engulfing the Punjab, he resigned as Premier on 2 March 1947. Sir Evan Jenkins, as Governor of the Punjab assumed direct control of the Punjab until the day of partition, 14 August 1947.[18]

Later life

He retired from politics following his resignation, and lived for a time in Simla and Delhi following independence. He returned to the Kalra Estate, Jhawarian in the newly created Pakistan in October 1949.[25]

In 1951, Mumtaz Daultana targeted those who were against the Pakistan movement by proposing a law confiscating without redress, all land grants issued during the premiership of Tiwana.[26] In Tiwana's hometown of Shahpur, this would amount to 10,000 acres. Alarmed by these measures, Tiwana appealed to the British government without success.[26] In 1954, Daultana would confiscate all the private canals owned by Tiwana under the guise of the Punjab Minor Canals Bill.[26]

During his stay in United States Tiwana, reflecting on the creation of Bangladesh, echoed his opposition to the partition of India, particularly the division of the Punjab Province, stating: "I still think a Punjabi Muslim has more in common with a Punjabi Hindu or Sikh than with a Bengali (or any non-Punjabi really) and I think the separation of East Pakistan proved that."[27]

He died in Butte City, California, on 20 January 1975.[28] Indira Gandhi, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Louis Mountbatten shared condolences. His coffin was draped not in the Kalra tricolour.[27]

References

  1.  Punjabi: ملک خضرحیات ٹوانہ; Gurmukhī: ਸਰ ਖ਼ਿਜ਼ਰ ਹਯਾਤ ਟਿਵਾਣਾ
  1.  FROM SAPPER TO BRIGADIER. Indian Information. May 1947.
  2.  Jinnah, Mahomed Ali (1986). Jinnah-Wavell Correspondence, 1943-47. Research Society of Pakistan, University of the Punjab.
  3.  Talbot 2013, p. i.
  4.  "No. 31013". The London Gazette. 15 November 1918. p. 13508.
  5.  "No. 31773". The London Gazette. 10 February 1920. p. 1699.
  6.  "No. 32975". The London Gazette. 19 September 1924. p. 6910.
  7.  The London Gazette, Issue 34295, 19 June 1936, p. 3925
  8.  The London Gazette, Issue 35857, 12 January 1943 (Supplement), p. 259
  9.  Talbot 2013, p. 70.
  10.  Talbot 2013, p. 76.
  11.  Jalal 1994[page needed]
  12.  Shah 1997, p. 131.
  13.  Moon 1962, p. 39.
  14.  Hardy 1972, p. 234.
  15.  Talbot 2013.
  16.  Firoz Khan Noon to Tiwana Hayat Khan, 21 August 1945, SHC/Punjab vol. IV, 15.
  17.  Korson 1974, p. 20.
  18.  Korson 1974, p. 19
  19.  Moon 1962, p. 72.
  20.  Mansingh, Surjit (2006). Historical Dictionary of India. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 9780810865020. Both Sikander Hayat Khan and his successor, Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana, vehemently opposed the idea Partition when it was mooted in the early 1940s, partly because as Punjabi Muslims they did not agree with Jinnah on the need for a Pakistan and largely because the thought of partitioning Punjab, as an inevitable consequence, was so painful.
  21.  Singh, Pashaura; Fenech, Louis E. (2014). The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191004124. Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana, a Unionist, who was the last Premier of the unified Punjab opposed Jinnah and the 1947 partition of India from a Punjabi nationalist perspective.
  22.  Talbot 2013, pp. 77, 303: "Khizr was opposed to the division of India on a religious basis, and especially to suggestions about partitioning Punjab on such a basis. He sincerely believed that Punjabi Muslims had more in common with Punjabi Hindus and Sikhs."
  23.  Pashaura Singh, Louis E. Fenech, The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies, OUP Oxford, 27 March 2014, p. 486.
  24.  "No. 37407". The London Gazette. 28 December 1945. p. 7.
  25.  "Remembering Khizar Hayat Tiwana". www.tribuneindia.com. Archived from the original on 2017-03-07.
  26.  Roger D. Long, Gurharpal Singh, Yunas Samad, Ian Talbot, State and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security, Routledge, 8 October 2015, p. 27.
  27.  Talbot 2013, p. 173.
  28.  "Nawab Tiwana, Ex-Minister of Punjab, Led Unionists". The New York Times. 25 January 1975.

Bibliography


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